Tuesday, 28 October 2014

Week 4: Classical and 'lifestyle' victimology

Classical victimology is not a great way of looking at victims. It's interesting in parts, and includes some ideas and approaches which are genuinely useful. But as a whole it's very ideological and rather outdated. To put it another way, contemporary victimology is one of the more critical parts of criminology - and classical victimology is a large part of what it's critical of.

Flash back for a moment to the "Ideal Victim". Imagine that you're in charge of paying insurance or compensation claims. You don't want to pay out any more than you have to, but you don't want to get a bad public image. The obvious solution is to pay out to the victims who are closest to the Ideal Victim model, because those cases will seem the most deserving. If you only pay out to  those cases, you can save a lot of money but the public won't mind. Nils Christie's great insight was that, the more we think in terms of the 'Ideal Victim', the less attention we pay to all the other poor so-and-so's who are victims of crime but whose faces don't fit.

Classical victimology is, in many ways, about all the victims whose faces don't fit; specifically, it's dedicated to proving that their faces don't fit. A lot of classical victimology is - in academic language - highly controversial and rests on discredited assumptions. If you go back to the 1960s and 70s, you can find very respectable academic victimologists arguing seriously that men hit their wives because their wives nag them, or that a girl who gets raped after a night out has brought it on herself. (The Accused only came out in 1988, and it was pretty controversial even then.) These arguments rest on highly discredited assumptions - to all intents and purposes, they're wrong. But they add up to a certain way of looking at victims.

The key concepts associated with classical victimology can be seen as distancing devices, ways of blocking sympathy: victims are victim-prone, i.e. they're pathologically vulnerable to crime; victims precipitate attacks on them, i.e. they're self-destructive and neurotic; victims are part of a sub-culture of violence, i.e. they're socially marginal individuals with chaotic lifestyles. Whichever way you look at it, victims - most victims - are not like us; we can reserve our sympathy for the minority of victims who fit the 'Ideal Victim' template. Classical victimology is about ignoring, or downgrading, or refusing sympathy to the majority of actual victims of crime.

Having said all of that, classical victimology did give us some useful ways of looking at crime. Once you drop the key assumption of classical victimology and stop seeing victims as a problem - once you acknowledge that sympathy should be given, in principle, to all victims - the broader 'toolkit' of classical victimology turns out to have some quite useful things in it. We don't now call people 'victim-prone' because we think they're weird and pathologically self-destructive; nevertheless, it's a matter of sociological fact that young males are more likely to be victims of violent assault, that poorer residential areas are more likely to be high-crime areas, and so on. Maybe 'victim-proneness' is a social category, not a personal one. The idea of a 'subculture of violence', handing deviant values down from generation to generation, seems a bit melodramatic these days, but it's undeniable that some people have more violent lifestyles than others. And so on. Even victim precipitation could be a useful way of understanding the sequence of events that leads up to a crime, if you don't use it as a way of blaming the victim.

One other thing: when we talk about either classical victimology or the Ideal Victim, we very often seem to be talking in gendered terms - the virtuous little old lady, the 'victim-offender dyad' of domestic violence, rape and victim precipitation. Why do you think this is?

Next week: feminism, followed shortly by a revolution in victimology.

No comments:

Post a Comment